4 / >nyv 


KINLEY  ON  LABOR 


His  Public  Utterances  in  Behalf  of  the  Work- 
ingmen of  the  United  States. 


V 

y 


TWENTY-TWO  YEARS  OF  PERSISTENT  LABOR  FOR  THE  ADVANCE- 
MENT OF  THEIR  INTERESTS. 


The  following  extracts  from  tlie  public  utterances  of  William  McKinley  during 
the  twenty-two  years  since  the  beginning  of  his  participation  in  national  legislation 
cannot  fail  to  interest  every  wurkingman  and  every  friend  of  labor.  They  show  a 
consistent  and  persistent  devotion  to  the  interests  of  labor  and  legislation  in  its  behalf. 
The  quotations  here  given  are  from  public  addresses,  and  in  the  attempt  to  present 
them  as  a continuous  record  of  a period  of  such  length  and  activity  they  are  neces- 
sarily incomplete  and  fragmentary,  being  in  all  cases  brief  extracts  from  speeches 
and  addresses  in  which  the  interests  of  labor  are  discussed  at  greater  length  than 
would  be  possible  to  completely  present’ in  a publication  of  this  character.  They  are 
sufficient,  however,  to  show  that  William  McKinley  has  been  at  every  stage  of  his 
career  and  on  all  occasions  an  avowed,  earnest,  and  persistent  friend  of  labor  and  of 
its  protection  and  the  advance  of  its  interests  in  every  legitimate  means. 

“WE  SHOULD  TAKE  CARE  OF  OUR  NATION  AND  HER  INDUSTRIES  FIRST.” 

(In  House  of  Representatives,  April  15,  1878.) 

No  man  or  party  would  be  bold  enough  to  advocate  the  reduction  of  labor  as  a 
naked  proposition,  but  rather  its  increase.  But,  Mr.  Chairman,  behind  this  bill,  un- 
derneath its  provisions,  as  I shall  attempt  to  show  you  later,  is  inevitable  reduction 
of  the  price  of  labor  all  over  the  country.  The  price  of  labor  is  inadequate  to  the 
necessities  of  the  laboring  man,  and  the  workingmen  of  the  country  are  patiently  ac- 
cepting the  inevitable  in  the  hope  of  relief  and  better  times  in  the  near  future.  And 
while  I would  rejoice  at  the  reduction  of  the  rate  of  interest  for  the  use  of  money 
and  the  decrease  of  local  taxation,  I must  protest  against  this  or  any  other  measure 
which  looks  to  the  scaling  down  of  the  wages  of  labor.  * * * * Reduce  the 

tariff,  and  labor  is  the  first  to  suffer.  The  difference  between  the  present  and  the 
proposed  rate  of  duty  must  be  made  up  somewhere,  must  be  compensated  in  some 
way.  As  always  has  been  the  case,  when  economy  in  production  is  to  be  studied, 
the  manufacturer  looks  to  his  payroll  of  labor  and  commences  there  first.  * * * * 

It  is  our  duty,  and  we  ought  to  protect  as  sacredly  and  assuredly  the  labor  and  the 
s industry  of  the  United  States  as  we  would  protect  her  honor  from  taint  or  her  ter- 
d ritory  from  invasion.  We  ought  to  take  care  of  our  own  nation  and  her  industries 
first. 

U “OUR  LABOR  MUST  NOT  BE  DEBASED  OR  OUR  LABORERS  DEGRADED.” 

(In  House  of  Representatives,  April  6,  1882.) 

The  fundamental  argument  for  protection  is  its  benefits  to  labor.  That  it  en- 
ables the  manufacturer  to  pay  more  and  better  wages  than  are  paid  to  like  labor  and 
services  anywhere  else  will  not  be  disputed. 
ri  There  is  not  a branch  of  labor  in  the  United  State0  that  does  not  receive  higher 
" rewards  than  in  any  other  country.  Our  laborers  are  not  only  the  best  paid,  clothed, 
and  educated  in  the  world,  but  they  have  more  comforts,  more  independence,  more  of 
- them  live  in  houses  that  they  own,  more  of  them  have  savings  in  savings  institu- 
■ tions,  and  are  better  contented,  than  their  rivals  anywhere  else.  And  this,  according 
to  my  view,  is  the  result  of  protection — of  the  protective  system  that  was  inaugurated 
by  the  Republican  party.  Our  laboring  men  are  not  content  with  the  hedger  and 
ditcher’s  rate  of  pay.  No  worthy  American  wants  to  reduce  the  price  of  labor  in  the 
•*  United  States.  It  ought  not  to  be  reduced;  for  the  sake  of  the  laborer  and  his  family 
and  the  good  of  society  it  ought  to  be  maintained.  To  increase  it  would  be  in  better 
vJ-  harmony  with  the  public  sense.  Our  labor  must  not  be  debased,  nor  our  laborers  de- 
-v.  graded  to  the  level  of  slaves,  nor  any  pauper  or  servile  system  in  any  form,  nor  under 


V* 


any  guise  whatsoever,  at  home  or  abroad.  Our  civilization  will  not  permit  it.  Our 
humanity  forbids  it.  Our  traditions  are  opposed  to  it.  The  stability  of  our  insti- 
tutions rests  upon  the  contentment  and  intelligence  of  all  our  people,  and  these  can 
only  be  possessed  by  maintaining  the  dignity  of  labor  and  securing  to  it  its  just  re- 
wards. That  protection  opens  new  avenues  for  employment,  broadens  and  diversifies 
the  field  of  labor,  and  presents  variety  of  vocation,  is  manifest  from  our  own  ex- 
perience. 

“I  SPEAK  FOR  THE  WORKINGMEN  OF  THE  COUNTRY.” 

(In  House  of  Representatives,  Jan.  27,  1893.) 

No  lover  of  his  race,  no  friend  of  humanity,  wants  reduced  wages.  I speak  for 
the  workingmen  of  my  district,  the  workingmen  of  Ohio,  and  of  the  country. 

(Mr.  Springer. — They  did  not  speak  for  you  very  largely  at  the  last  election.) 

A “>  my  friend,  my  fidelity  to  my  constituents  is  not  measured  by  the  support 
they  give  me!  (Great  applause.)  I have  convictions  upon  this  subject  which  I 
would  not  surrender  or  refrain  from  advocating  if  10,000'majority  had  been  entered 
against  me  last  October.  (Renewed  applause.) 

“WE  MUST  NOT  REDUCE  THE  PRICE  PAID  TO  LABOR.” 
fTn  House  of  Representatives,  April  30,  1884.) 

Our  wages  are  higher  here  than  in  any  other  nation  of  the  world,  and  we  are  all 
proud  and  grateful  that  it  is  so.  I know  it  is  denied,  but  experience  outweighs  the- 
ories or  misleading  statistics.  One  thing  we  do  know  is,  that  our  work  people  do  not 
go  abroad  for  better  wages,  and  every  other  nationality  comes  here  for  increased 
wages  and  gets  them.  * * * * The  proposition  of  the  Chairman  of  the  Com- 

mittee on  Ways  and  Means  will  result  in  reducing  the  wages  of  labor  or  the  destruc- 
tion of  many  of  our  most  valuable  industries,  and  the  deprivation  of  employment  to 
thousands.  • The  one  or  the  other  alternative  must  come;  either  will  be  most  disas- 
trous, and  attended  by  business  depression  and  individual  suffering.  We  must  not 
reduce  the  price  paid  to  labor;  it  is  already  sufficiently  low.  We  can  only  prevent 
it  by  defeating  this  bill,  and  it  should  be  done  without  unnecessary  delay.  The  sooner 
the  better,  and  remove  this  menace  which  hangs  over  all  of  our  industrial  life  and 
threatens  the  comfort  and  independence  of  millions  of  American  workingmen. 

“FOR  PROTECTION  TO  AMERICAN  LABOR.” 

(At  Petersburg,  Va.,  Oct.  29,  1885.) 

There  is  no  royal  blood  among  us;  there  are  no  descended  titles  here;  there  is 
no  way  in  the  world  of  getting  on  and  up,  or  earning  money,  except  by  work.  (Ap- 
plause.) There  are  just  two  ways  in  the  United  States  to  acquire  money;  one  is  to 
steal  it,  the  other  is  to  earn  it,  and  the  honorable  way  is  to  earn  it;  and  you  earn  it 
by  labor,  either  the  labor  of  the  hand  or  the  labor  of  the  brain.  (Applause.)  And 
the  industrious  labor  of  the  hand,  and  the  careful  labor  of  the  brain — the  possessors 
of  these  are  going  to  be  the  men  of  the  future,  whether  they  are  in  Virginia  or  in 
Ohio.  (Applause.)  * * * * Kow^  a great  question,  my  fellow-citizens,  before 

this  country — a question  of  the  now  and  a question  of  the  hereafter — is  whether  we 
shall  have  maintained  in  the  United  States  a system  of  protection  to  American  labor 
and  American  development,  or  whether  we  shall  have  practical  free  trade  wuli  all 
the  countries  of  the  world.  * * * * . 

The  chief  ground  upon  which  we  can  justify  a protective  tariff  to-day  is  that  it 
is  in  the  interest  of  American  labor — American  black  labor  as  well  as  American  white 
labor — and  the  protective  tariff  we  want  is  a tax  sufficient  to  make  up  the  difference 
between  the  prices  paid  labor  in  Europe  and  the  prices  paid  labor  in  America.  Now, 
that  is  all  the  duty  we  want.  Whenever  the  workingmen  of  the  United  States — I 
mean  skilled  and  unskilled  laboring  men — whenever  they  are  ready  to  work  for  the 
same  wages,  the  same  low  wages  that  are  paid  their  rivals  on  the  other  side,  their 
rivals  in  England,  in  Germany,  in  Belgium,  and  yi  France,  engaged  in  the  same  occu- 
pation— whenever  they  are  ready  for  that,  which  I hope  and  believe  will  never  be, 
then  we  are  ready  for  the  free-trade  doctrines  of  the  Democratic  party.  (Applause.) 

# * * * 

I tell  you,  free-trade  Democracy  does  not  mean  prosperity,  because  when  true  free 
trade  comes,  and  everything  made  on  the  other  side  comes  in  here  to  compete  with 
that  we  make  on  this  side,  either  one  of  two  things  must  happen — either  the  Ameri- 
can manufacturer  must  quit  business,  put  out  his  fires,  discharge  his  employes,  or  go 
to  his  payroll  and  cut  that  pay  roll  down  low  enough  to  compete  with  the  cheap  labor 
that  makes  the  product  on  the  other  side.  (Cries  of  “That's  it!”)  You  will  nevei 


have  prosperity  as  long  as  the  Democratic  party  remains  as  a standing  menace  to  th« 
industry,  growth,  and  advancement  of  the  United  States.  Stand  by  your  interests — 
stand  by  the  party  that  stands  by  the  people.  (A  voice,  “You  are  right,  and  we 
will  do  it.”)  Because  in  the  Republican  party  there  is  no  such  thing  as  class  or  caste. 
The  humble  poor  colored  man  in  the  Republican  party,  the  humble  poor  white  man 
in  the  Republican  party,  has  an  equal  chance  with  the  opulent  white  or  colored  Re- 
publican in  the  race  of  life.  And  so  with  every  race  and  every  nationality,  the  Re- 
publican party  says,  “Come  up  higher!”  We  do  not  appeal  to  passions;  we  do  not 
appeal  to  baser  instincts;  we  do. not  appeal  to  race  or  war  prejudices.  We  do  appeal 
to  your  consciences;  we  do  appeal  to  your  own  best  interests,  to  stand  by  a party  that 
stands  by  the  people. 

ON  THE  ARBITRATION  BILL. 

. (In  House  of  Representatives,  April  2,  1886.) 

If  by  the  passage  of  this  simple  measure  arbitration  as  a system  shall  be  aided  to 
the  slightest  extent  or  advanced  in  public  or  private  favor,  or  if  it  shall  serve  to  at- 
tract the  thoughful  attention  of  the  people  to  the  subject,  much  will  have  been  ac- 
complished for  the  good  order  of  our  communities  and  for  the  welfare  and  prosperity 
of  the  people.  * * * * It  places  both  parties  upon  an  equality  in  pursuing  the 

investigation.  A lack  of  means  upon  the  one  hand  or  the  other  will  not  impair  the 
fullest  consideration.  The  humblest  and  poorest  man  can  send  for  persons  and 
papers  without  incurring  an  expense  which  very  often  they  can  illy  bear.  As  the 
compensation  of  the  board  comes  out  of  the  public  treasury,  neither  party  is  subject 
to  the  expense  of  the  investigation,  and  the  laboring  men  will  not  be  required  to  draw 
from  their  scanty  savings  or  assess  their  fellow-workmen  to  meet  actual  expenses. 
This  overcomes  the  disadvantage  of  limited  means  on  the  one  hand,  and  avoids  any 
advantage  which  might  occur  from  bounteous  means  on  the  other.  It  equalizes  their 
condition  for  a thorough  investigation  and  a complete  disclosure  of  the  true  situa- 
tion. That  provision  alone  is  worth  to  the  cause  of  arbitration  much  more  than  it 
will  cost  the  National  Treasury.  ***** 

I believe,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  arbitration  as  a principle;  I believe  it  should  prevail 
in  the  settlement  of  international  differences.  It  represents  a higher  civilization 
than  the  arbitrament  of  war.  I believe  it  is  in  close  accord  with  the  best  thought  and 
sentiment  of  mankind;  I believe  it  is  the  true  way  of  settling  differences  between 
labor  and  capital;  I believe  it  will  bring  both  to  a better  understanding,  uniting  them 
closer  in  interest,  and  promoting  better  relations,  avoiding  force,  avoiding  unjust  ex- 
actions and  oppression,  avoiding  the  loss  of  earnings  to  labor,  avoiding  disturbances 
to  trade  and  transportation. 

“I  WOULD  NOT  HAVE  AN  IDLE,MAN  OR  AN  IDLE  MILL  IN  THE  COUNTRY.” 

(At  Boston,  Mass.,  Feb.  9,  1888.) 

The  manufacturers  of  New  England,  and  more  particularly  the  skilled  labor  em- 
ployed by  them,  need  a protective  tariff,  and  require  it  equally  with  the  industries 
and  labor  of  other  States.  It  is  imperatively  demanded,  not  only  here,  but  in  every 
section  of  the  Union,  if  the  present  price  of  labor  is  to  be  continued  and  maintained. 
* * * * I would  secure  the  American  market  to  the  American  producer  (ap- 

plause), and  I would  not  hesitate  to  raise  the  duties  whenever  necessary  to  secure 
this  patriotic  end.  (Applause.)  I would  not  have  an  idle  man  or  an  idle  mill  or  an 
idle  spindle  in  this  country,  if  by  holding  exclusively  the  American  market,  we  could 
keep  them  employed  and  running.  (Applause.)  Every  yard  of  cloth  imported  here 
makes  a demand  for  one  yard  less  of  American  fabrication.  Let  England  take  care 
of  herself,  let  France  look  after  her  interests,  let  Germany  take  care  of  her  own  peo- 
ple, but  in  God’s  name  let  Americans  look  after  America!  (Loud  applause.) 
Every  ton  of  steel  imported  diminishes  that  much  of  home  production.  Every  blow 
struck  on  the  other  side  upon  an  article  which  comes  here  in  competition  with  like  arti- 
cles produced  here  makes  the  demand  for  one  blow  less  at  home.  Every  day’s  labor 
upon  the  foreign  products  sent  to  the  United  States  takes  one  day’s  labor  from  Ameri- 
can workingmen.  I would  give  the  day’s  labor  to  our  own,  first,  last,  and  all  the 
time,  and  that  policy  which  fails  in  this  is  opposed  to  American  interests.  To  se- 
cure this  is  the  great  purpose  of  a protective  tariff. 

OUR  LABOR  MUST  NOT  BE  REDUCED  TO  THE  EUROPEAN  LEVEL. 

(In  House  of  Representatives,  May  18,  1888.) 

We  will  have  no  objection  to  free  trade  when  all  the  nations  shall  bring  the  level 
of  their  labor  up  to  ours;  when  they  shall  accept  our  standard;  when  they  shall  re- 
gard the  toiler  as  a man,  and  not  a slave;  but  we  will  never  consent  while  we  have 

s 


rotes  and  the  power  to  prevent  to  the  dragging  down  of  our  labor  to  that  of  the 
European  standard.  (Applause.)  Let  them  elevate  theirs;  let  them  bring  theirs 
;o  our  level;  and  we  will  then  have  no  contention  about  revenue  or  protective  tariffs. 
We  will  meet  them  in  the  open  field,  in  home  and  neutral  markets,  upon  an  equal 
looting,  and  the  fittest  will  survive.  (Applause.) 

“THE  GATEWAY  OF  OPPORTUNITY  MUST  BE  OPEN  TO  ALL.” 

(At  Atlanta,  Ga.,  August  21,  1888.) 

We  cannot  without  grave  danger  and  serious  disturbance — we  ought  not  under 
>ny  circumstances — adopt  a policy  which  would  scale  down  the  wages  and  diminish 
the  comforts  of  American  workingmen.  Their  welfare  and  independence,  their  prog- 
ress and  elevation,  are  closely  related  to  the  welfare  and  independence  and  progress 
)f  the  Republic.  We  have  no  pampered  class  in  this  country,  and  we  want  none.  We 
tvant  the  field  kept  open;  no  narrowing  of  the  avenues;  no  lowering  of  our  standard. 
IVe  want  no  barriers  raised  against  a higher  and  better  civilization.  The  gateway  of 
>pportunity  must  be  open  to  all,  to  the  end  that  they  may  be  first  who  deserve  to  be 
first,  whether  born  in  poverty  or  reared  in  luxury.  We  do  not  want  the  masses  ex- 
cluded from  competing  for  the  first  rank  among  their  countrymen  and  for  the  nation’s 
greatest  honors,  and  we  do  not  mean  that  they  shall  be. 

Free  trade,  or  a revenue  tariff,  will  of  necessity  shut  them  out.  It  has  no  re- 
jpect  for  labor.  It  holds  it  as  the  mere  machinery  of  capital.  It  would  have  cheap 
nen  that  it  might  have  cheap  merchandise.  With  all  its  boasted  love  for  the  strug- 
gling millions,  it  is  infinitely  more  interested  in  cutting  down  the  wages  of  labor  than 
in  saving  twenty-five  cents  on  a blanket;  more  intent  in  reducing  the  purchasing 
power  of  a man’s  labor  than  the  cost  of  his  coat. 

“WE  W ANT  LABOR  TO  BE  WELL  PAID.” 

(At  Cleveland,  O.,  October  5,  1889.) 

I do  not  prize  the  word  cheap.  It  is  not  a word  of  hope;  it  is  not  a word  of 
comfort;  it  is  not  a word  of  cheer;  it  is  not  a word  of  inspiration!  It  is  the  badge 
>f  poverty;  it  is  the  signal  of  distress;  and  there  is  not  a man  in  this  audience,  not 
i single  white-haired  man,  who,  if  he  will  let  his  memory  go  back,  will  not  recall 
that  when  things  were  the  cheapest,  men  were  the  poorest.  (Applause.)  * * * * 

pheap  merchandise  means  cheap  men,  and  cheap  men  mean  a cheap  country ; and  that 
is  not  the  kind  of  Government  our  fathers  founded,  and  it  is  not  the  kind  their  sons 
nean  to  maintain.  (Applause.)  If  you  want  cheap  things,  go  where  you  can  get 
them;  that  is  where  you  belong;  this  is  not  your  abiding  place.  We  want  labor  to 
De  well  paid;  we  want  the  products  of  the  farm,  we  want  mechanical  products,  we 
tvant  everything  we  make  and  produce  to  pay  a fair  compensation  to  the  producer. 
That  is  what  makes  good  times;  that  is  what  protective  tariffs  mean. 

“WE  HAVE  GIVEN  TO  EVERY  MAN.  A FAIR  CHANCE  IN  THE  RACE 

OF  LIFE.” 

(In  tjie  House  of  Representatives,  May  7,  1890.) 

There  is  no  other  country  in  the  world  where  individual  enterprise  has  so  much 
encouragement  as  in  the  United  States.  There  is  no  nation  in  the  world,  under  any 
system,  where  the  same  reward  is  given  to  the  labor  of  man’s  hands  and  the  work  of 
their  brains  as  in  the  United  States.  We  have  widened  the  sphere  of  human  endeavor 
and  given  to  every  man  a fair  chance  in  the  race  of  life  and  in  the  attain* 
ment  of  the  highest  possibilities  of  human  destinies.  To  reverse  this  system  means 
to  stop  the  progress  of  the  Republic  and  reduce  the  masses  to  small  rewards  for  their 
labor,  to  longer  hours  and  less  pay,  to  the  simple  question  of  bread  and  butter.  It 
means  to  turn  them  from  ambition,  courage  and  hope,  to  dependence,  degradation, 
and  despair.  No  sane  man  will  give  up  what  he  has,  what  he  is  in  full  possession  of, 
what  he  can  count  on  for  himself  and  his  children,  for  what  is  promised  by  your 
theories.  Free  trade,  or,  as  you  are  pleased  to  call  it,  “revenue  tariff,”  means  the 
opening  up  of  this  market,  which  is  admitted  to  be  the  best  in  the  world,  to  the  free 
entry  of  the  products  of  the  world.  It  means  more — it  means  that  the  labor  of  this 
eountry  is  to  be  remitted  to  its  earlier  condition,  and  that  the  condition  of  our  people 
is  to  be  leveled  down  to  the  condition  of  rival  countries;  because  under  it  every  ele- 
ment of  cost,  every  item  of  production,  including  wages,  must  be  brought  down  to  the 
level  of  the  lowest  paid  labor  of  the  world.  * * * 

With  me  this  position  is  a deep  conviction,  not  a theory.  I believe  in  it  and  thus 
tvarmly  advocate  it  because  enveloped  in  it  are  my  country’s  highest  development 
and  greatest  prosperity;  out  of  it  come  the  greatest  gains  to  the  people,  the  great- 
tst  comforts  to  the  masses,  the  widest  encouragement  for  manly  aspirations,  with  the 


largest  rewards,  dignifying  and  elevating  our  citizenship,  upon  which  the  safely  and 
purity  and  permanence  of  our  political  system  depend.  ( Lowg-eontinued  applause 
on  the  Republican  side,  and  cries  of  “Vote!”  “Vote!”) 

ON  THE  EIGHT  HOUR  LAW. 

(In  the  House  of  Representatives,  August  28,  1890.) 

Mr.  Speaker,  I am  in  favor  of  this  (the  Eight  Hour  Law)  bill.  It  has  been  said 
that  it  is  a bill  to  limit  the  opportunity  of  the  workingman  to  gain  a livelihood.  This 
is  not  true;  it  will  have  the  opposite  effect.  * * * The  Government  of  the  United 

States  ought,  finally  and  in  good  faith,  to  set  this  example  of  eight  hours  as  consti- 
tuting a day’s  work  required  of  laboring  men  in  the  service  of  the  United  States. 
(Applause.)  The  tendency  of  the  times  the  world  over  is  for  shorter  hours  of  labor, 
shorter  hours  in  the  interest  of  health,  shorter  hours  in  the  interest  of  humanity, 
shorter  hours  in  the  interest  of  the  home  and  mmily;  and  the  United  States  can  do 
no  better  service  to  labor  and  to  its  own  citizens  than  to  set  the  example  to  States, 
to  corporations,  and  to  individuals  employing  men  by  declaring  that,  so  far  as  the 
Government  is  concerned,  eight  hours  shall  constitute  a day’s  work,  and  be  all  that 
is  required  of  its  laboring  force.  * * * 

Mr.  Speaker,  we  owe  something  to  the  care,  the  elevation,  the  dignity  and  educa- 
tion of  labor.  We  owe  something  to  the  workingmen  and  the  families  of  the  work- 
ingmen throughout  the  United  States  who  constitute  the  large  body  of  the  population, 
and  this  bill  is  a step  in  the  right  direction.  (Applause.) 

“THAT  COUNTRY  IS  LEAST  PROSPEROUS  WHERE  LOW  PRICES  ARE 
SECURED  THROUGH  LOW  WAGES.” 

(At  Toledo,  O.,  Feb.  12,  1891.) 

Mr.  President,  that  country  is  least  prosperous  where  low  prices  are  secured 
through  low  wages.  Cheap  foreign  goods,  free  or  practically  free,  in  com- 
petition with  domestic  goods  involve  cheap  labor  at  home  or  depend- 
ence upon  foreign  manufactures.  Those  who  advocate  duties  solely  for 
revenue  see  only  as  a result  cheaper  prices,  which  are  but  tem- 
porary at  best,  arid  do  not  see  the  other  side,  that  of  lower  wages,  cheaper  labor, 
agricultural  depression,  and  general  distress.  The  protective  system,  by  encouraging 
capital  to  engage  in  productive  enterprises,  has  accorded  to  labor,  skill  and  genius 
higher  opportunities  and  greater  rewards  than  could  otherwise  be  secured,  defend- 
ing them  against  ruinous  foreign  competition,  while  promoting  home  competition, 
and  giving  the  American  consumer  better  products  at  lower  prices  and  the  farmer  a 
better  market  than  was  ever  enjoyed  under  the  free-trade  tariffs  of  the  Democratic 
party.  / 

“TO  THE  FARMER  THE  BEST  MARKET  AND  TO  LABOR  THE  BEST  WAGES.” 

(At  New  York  City,  April  10,  1891.) 

As  a tariff  has  to  be  levied  to  raise  revenue,  we  believe  it  better  that  it  should 
be  levied  on  the  foreign  products  which  compete  with  those  produced  by  our  own 
people,  and  to  that  extent  protect  our  own  producers,  our  own  labor,  and  defend 
them  reasonably  and  fairly  in  their  own  markets.  The  result  of  this  system  of  tariff 
has  so  quickened  the  energies  of  our  people,  so  stimulated  production  and  develop- 
ment, as  to  make  us  the  greatest  agricultural  and  mining  and  manufacturing  Nation 
of  the  world.  It  has  diversified  our  industries,  given  to  the  farmer  the  best  market 
and  to  labor  the  best  wages  anywhere  to  be  found,  and  the  consumers  better  products, 
at  lower  prices,  than  they  ever  before  enjoyed.  (Applause.) 

“THERE  IS  NOTHING  TOO  GOOD  FOR  THE  MEN  WHO  WORK.” 

(At  Cincinatti,  O.,  on  Labor  Day,  Sept  1,  1891.) 

I come  by  invitation  of  your  Committee,  not  to  make  a formal  address,  but  to  ex- 
press by  my  presence  the  interest  which  I feel  in  the  cause  which  you  represent,  and 
to  participate  with  you  in  the  suitable  recognition  of  “Labor  Day.”  There  is  nothing 
too  good  for  tjie  men  who  work.  The  days  of  rest  and  recuperation  in  our  pushing, 
busy  age  are  too  few,  altogether  too  few,  and  the  setting  apart  of  this  public  holiday 
is  a step  worthy  our  highest  commendation,  and  is  an  honorable  recognition  of  labor, 
which  is  the  foundation  of  our  wealth  and  production.  * * * It  is  our  glory  that 

the  American  laborer  is  more  intelligent  and  better  paid  than  his  foreign  competitor, 
and  so  far  no  call  upon  his  greater  inventive  skill  and  genius  has  been  made  in  vain. 
Herbert  Spencer  has  testified,  “Beyond  question,  in  respect  to  mechanical  appliances 
the  Americans  are  ahead  of  all  other  nations.”  Superior  tools  would  alone  give  ui 

a 


no  small  advantage,  but  the  possession  of  the  best  machinery  implies  much  more, 
that  we  have  also  the  best  mechanics  in  the  world. 

There  are  some  things  we  should  remember,  however.  Nothing  is  cheap  which 
enforces  idleness  upon  our  #own  people.  Invention  does  not  follow  idleness.  Noth- 
ing is  cheap  which  permits  to  slumber  in  our  hills  and  mountains  the  rich  raw  ma- 
terials that  only  await  the  manipulation  of  man  to  produce  untold  wealth.  Tne 
first  duty  of  a nation  is  to  enact  those  laws  which  will  give  to  its  citizens  the  widesl 
opportunity  for  labor  and  the  best  rewards  for  work  done. 

LABOR  BETTER  REWARDED  HERE  THAN  ANYWHERE  ELSE  IN  THE 

WORLD. 

(To  Committee  of  Republican  Clubs,  at  Ann  Arbor,  Mich.,  May  17,  1892.) 

I need  not  say  to  you  what  the  world  knows : That  this  country,  after  nearly 
one-third  of  a century  of  protection,  has  reached  the  proud  position  of  being  of  all 
nations  of  the  world  the  first  in  manufactures,  first  in  mining,  first  in  agriculture, 
first  in  invention,  and  first  in  educational  advantages  for  the  masses;  that  labor  is 
better  rewarded  here;  and  that  the  great  body  of  the  people  have  wider  and  better 
opportunities  for  advancement  here  than  could  be  found  anywhere  else  in  the  wide, 
wide  world.  Protection  builds  up;  a revenue  tariff  tears  down.  Protection  brings 
hope  and  courage  to  heart  and  home;  free  trade  drives  them  from  both.  Free  trade 
levels  down;  protection  levels  up. 

“GIVE  TO  EVERY  AMERICAN  WORKINGMAN  FULL  WORK  AT  AMERICAN 

WAGES.” 

' (To  Tin  Workers  of  Niles,  0.,  June  20,  1896.) 

I am  glad  to  have  demonstrated  in  my  native  town  that  we  can  make  tin  plate 
in  the  United  States,  and  in  reply  to  what  your  spokesman  has  been  kind  enough  tc 
say  of  my  efforts  in  that  direction,  1 answer  that  if  I have  been  associated  with  any 
legislation  that  has  given  to  a single  American  workingman  a day’s  work  at  Ameri- 
can wages  which  he  did  not  receive  before,  that  is  honor  enough  for  me.  What  we 
want  in  this  country  is  a policy  that  will  give  to  every  American  workingman  full 
work  at  American  wages.  (Applause.) 

WE  WANT  THE  POLICY  WHICH  WILL  GIVE  TO  LABOR  WORK  AND  WAGES. 

(To  Zanesville  Young  Men’s  Club,  June  22,  1896.) 

We  have  had  some  experience  in  the  last  three  years  and  a half.  Experience  has 
superseded  prophecy,  and  cold  facts  take  the  place  of  prediction.  We  all  know  more 
than  we  knew  then,  and  are  ready  and  anxious  to  get  back  a period  like  that  of  1892. 
when  this  country  was  enjoying  its  highest  prosperity  with  the  greatest  domestic 
trade  it  ever  had,  and  the  largest  foreign  trade  ever  known  with  the  nations  of  the 
world.  We  want  to  get  back  the  old  policy,  my  fellow-citizens,  which  will  give  to 
labor  work  and  wages,  and  to  agriculture  a home  market  and  the  good  foreign  mar- 
ket which  was  opened  up  by  the  reciprocity  legislation  of  the  Republican  party.  We 
have  come  to  appreciate  that  protective  tariffs  are  better  than  idleness.  (Applause.) 

“I  WANT  A POLICY  THAT  WILL  PUT  IDLE  MEN  AT  WTORIv  AT  GOOD 
AMERICAN  WAGES.” 

(To  Tuscarawas  tin  workers,  July  3,  1896.) 

Here  in  this  country  we  are  dependent  upon  each  other,  no  matter  what  our  oc- 
cupation may  be.  All  of  us  want  good  times,  good  wages,  good  prices,  good  markets, 
and  then  we  want  good  money,  too,  and  ahvays  intend  to  have  it.  Wlien  we  give  a 
good  day’s  work  to  our  employers  we  want  to  be  paid  in  good  sound  dollars,  worth 
one  hundred  cents  each,  and  never  any  less.  * * * * What  I want  to  see  in  this 

country  is  a return  to  that  prosperity  which  we  enjoyed  for  thirty  years,  prior  to 
1893.  A policy  that  will  put  idle  men  to  work  at  American  wages,  for  the  more  men 
we  have  at  work  at  good  American  wages  the  better  markets  the  farmers  will  have 
and  the  better  prices  they  will  get  for  their  products. 

“RESTORE  AMERICAN  PROTECTION  AND  SERVE  THE  INTERESTS  OF 

AMERICAN  LABOR.” 

(From  speech  to  Notification  Committee,  June  29,  1896.) 

Great  issues  are  involved  in  the  coming  election,  and  eager  and  earnest  the  peo- 
ple for  their  right  determination.  Our  domestic  trade  must  be  won  back,  and  our 
idle  working  people  employed  in  gainful  occupations  at  American  wages.  * * * 

The  dollar  paid  to  the  farmer,  the  wage-earner,  and  the  pensioner  must  continue  for- 
ever equal  in  purchasing  and  debt-paying  power  to  the  dollar  paid  to  any  Govern- 

6 


ment  creditor.  * * * The  great  body  of  our  citizens  know  what  they  want,  and 

that  they  intend  to  have.  They  know  for  what  the  Republican  party  stands  and  what 
its  return  to  power  means  to  them.  They  realize  that  the  Republican  party  believes 
that  our  work  should  be  done  at  home  and  not  abroad,  and  everywhere  proclaim  their 
devotion  to  the  principles  of  a protective  tariff,  which,  while  supplying  adequate 
revenues  for  the  Government,  will  restore  American  production,  and  serve  the  best 
interests  of  American  labor  and  development.  Our  appeal,  therefore,  is  not  to  a false 
philosophy,  or  vain  theorists,  but  to  the  masses  of  the  American  people,  the  plain, 
practical  people,  whom  Lincoln  loved  and  trusted,  and  whom  the  Republican  party 
has  always  faithfully  striven  to  serve. 

“WE  WANT  GOOD  WAGES  PAID  IN  GOOD  MONEY.” 

(To  Alliance,  O.,  workingmen,  July  23,  1896.) 

What  we  want,  no  matter  what  political  organization  we  may  have  belonged  to 
In  the  past,  is  a return  to  the  good  times  of  four  years  ago.  We  want  good  prices 
and  good  wages,  and  when  we  shall  have  them  again  we  want  them  paid  in  good 
money.  (Applause.)  Whether  our  prices  be  high  or  low,  whether  our  wages  be 
good  or  bad,  they  are  all  better  by  being  paid  in  dollars  worth  one  hundred  cents 
each.  If  we  have  good  wages,  they  are  better  by  being  paid  in  good  dollars.  If  we 
have  poor  wages,  they  are  made  poorer  by  being  paid  in  poor  dollars. 

“WORKINGMEN,  HAVE  WE  NOT  HAD  ENOUGH  OF  SUCH  COSTLY 

EXPERIMENTS  ?” 

(To  the  delegation  of  window  glass  workers,  at  Canton,  O.,  July  23,  1896.) 

The  Government,  my  fellow-citizens,  has  not  been  the  only  sufferer  in  the  past 
three  years,  as  your  spokesman  has  vividly  shown.  The  people  have  suffered,  the 
laboring  man  in  his  work  and  wages,  the  farmer  in  his  prices  and 
markets,  and  our  citizens  generally  in  their  incomes  and  investments.  Enforced 
idleness  among  the  people  has  brought  to  many  American  homes  gloom  and  wretched- 
ness, where  cheer  and  hope  once  dwelt.  Both  Government  and  people  have  paid 
dearly  for  a mistaken  policy,  a policy  which  has  disturbed  our  industries  and  cut 
down  our  revenues,  always  so  essential  to  our  credit,  independence  and  prosperity. 
Having  stricken  down  our  industries,  a new  experiment  is  now  proposed,  one  that 
would  debase  our  currency  and  further  weaken,  if  not  wholly  destroy,  public  confi- 
dence. Workingmen,  have  we  not  had  enough  of  such  rash  and  costly  experiments? 
Don’t  all  of  us  wish  for  the  return  of  the  economic  policy  which  for  more  than  a 
third  of  a century  gave  the  Government  its  highest  credit  and  the  citizen  his  greatest 
prosperity? 

“WE  WANT  NEITHER  CHEAP  MONEY  NOR  CHEAP  LABOR.” 

(To  delegation  of  colored  citizens  and  military  of  Cleveland,  O.,  at  Canton,  August 

17,  1896.) 

We  want  in  the  United  States  neither  cheap  money  nor  cheap  labor.  We  will 
have  neither  the  one  nor  the  other.  We  must  not  forget  that  nothing  is  cheap  to  the 
American  people  which  comes  from  abroad  and  when  it  entails  idleness  upon  our  own 
laborers.  We  are  opposed  to  any  policy  which  increases  the  number  of  the  unem- 
ployed in  the  United  States,  even  if  it  does  give  us  cheaper  foreign  goods ; and  we  are 
opposed  to  any  policy  which  degrades  American  manhood  that  we  may  have  cheaper 
goods  made  either  at  home  or  abroad.  Having  reduced  the  pay  of  labor,  it  is  now 
proposed  to  reduce  the  value  of  the  money  in  which  labor  is  paid.  * * * 

My  countrymen,  the  most  un-American  of  all  appeals  observable  in  this  campaign 
is  the  one  which  seeks  to  array  labor  against  capital,  employer  against  employe.  It 
is  most  unpatriotic  and  is  fraught  with  the  greatest  peril  to  all  concerned.  We  are 
all  political  equals  here — equal  in  privilege  and  opportunity — dependent  upon  each 
other  and  the  prosperity  of  the  one  is  the  prosperity  of  the  other. 

TO  BENEFIT  LABOR  IS  THE  HIGHEST  REWARD  THAT  MAN  CAN  HAVE. 
(To  delegation  of  workmen  and  others  from  his  old  Congressional  district,  August 

24,  1896.) 

I cannot  forget  that  you  trusted  me  in  my  young  manhood,  and  that  you  have 
ever  since  followed  me  with  unfaltering  confidence.  I remember  the  first  time  that  I 
ever  looked  into  the  faces  of  an  East, Liverpool  audience  twenty  years  ago,  and  that 
then,  as  now,  I was  speaking  for  sound  money  and  a protective  tariff.  Your  spokes- 
man has  alluded  most  graciously  to  what  he  terms  the  services  I have  given  to  your 
great  industry.  If  I have  done  anything  to  bring  work  to  you  or  my  fellow-man  any- 
where and  make  the  condition  of  the  American  workingman  easier,  that  is  the  high- 


7 


«oi  reward  I »*sk,  and  greater  reward  bo  mam  oould  hare.  There  it  me  industry  in 

the  United  States,  my  fellow  citizens,  which  demands  or  deserves  protection  through 

our  tariff  more  than  yours. 

“APPEALS  TO  PREJUDICE  ARE  BENEATH  THE  SPIRIT  OF  A FREE  PEOPLE." 

(From  Letter  of  Acceptance,  1896.) 

No  one  suffers  so  much  from  cheap  money  as  the  farmers  and  laborers.  They 
are  the  first  to  feel  its  bad  effects  and  the  last  to  recover  from  them.  It  has  been 
the  experience  of  all  countries,  and  here  as  elsewhere  the  poor  and  not  the  rich  are 
the  greatest  sufferers.  * * * It  is  a cause  for  painful  regret  and  solicitude  that 

an  effort  is  being  made  by  those  high  in  the  councils  of  the  allied  parties  to  divide 
the  people  of  this  country  into  classes  and  create  distinctions  among  us  which,  in  fact, 
do  not  exist,  and  are  repugnant  to  our  form  of  government.  These  appeals  to  pas- 
sion and  prejudice  are  beneath  the  spirit  and  intelligence  of  a free  people,  and  should 
be  met  with  stern  rebuke  by  those  they  are  sought  to  influence,  and  I believe  they 
will. 

“THE  EQUALITY  OF  ALL  LIES  AT  THE  BASIS  OF  POPULAR 
GOVERNMENT." 

(To  delegation  of  Pittsburg  workingmen,  on  Labor  Day,  Sept.  5,  1896.) 

This  assemblage  thoroughly  typifies  the  National  idea  of  a great  American  com- 
monwealth in  this,  that  it  presents  the  equality  of  all  which  lies  at  the  basis  of  popu- 
lar government.  * * * * Here  is  a striking  protest  against  the  unworthy  effort 

on  the  part  of  those  who  would  divide  our  citizenship  into  classes  and  a striking  con- 
demnation of  such  un-American  appeals  to  passion  and  prejudice.  Nothing  can  better 
stamp  with  falsehood  and  indignant  disapproval  the  effort  to  array  class  against 
class,  than  this  great  demonstration  before  me  to-day.  I have  no  sympathy  with  such 
appeals — have  you?  Patriotism  is  a grander  sentiment;  it  ennobles  but  never  dis- 
graces. Instead  of  seeking  to  work  the  masses,  it  would  be  worthier  on  the  part  of 
all  of  us  to  try  to  get  work  for  the  masses.  Workingmen,  that  you  should  have  call- 
ed on  me  the  day  set  apart  by  your  great  commonwealth  to  celebrate  the  worth,  the 
dignity  and  the  power  of  labor,  is  a great  honor,  which  I duly  and  gratefully  appre- 
ciate. 

PROTECT  THE  WORKINGMAN  AGAINST  CHEAP  LABOR  AND  CHEAP  MONEi. 

(To  Workingmen  of  Homestead,  Pa.,  Sept.  12,  1896.) 

I have  always  been,  as  you  know,  in  favor  of  a protective  tariff.  I have  always 
advocated  it,  and  believe  in  it,  because  I think  it  is  necessary  to  protect  the  American 
workingman  against  the  cheaper  labor  of  the  Old  World.  Applying  that  great  prin- 
ciple, I am  in  favor  of  protecting  to-day  the  laboring  men  of  the  United  States  against 
a degraded  currency.  I am  opposed  to  free  trade  because  it  degrades  American  labor ; 
1 am  opposed  to  free  silver  because  it  degrades  American  money. 

“WE  WANT  A FULL  DOLLAR  AND  THE  BEST  OPPORTUNITY  TO  EARN  IT.” 

(To  employes  of  Pennsylvania  Railroad,  at  Canton,  Sept.  12,  1896.) 

I thank  you  gentlemen  of  Pennsylvania,  representing  every  branch  and  depart- 
ment of  industry,  for  the  call  which  you  have  made  upon  me  here  to-day,  and  I thank 
you  for  the  messages,  the  gracious  messages  which  you  have  brought,  that  you  will 
stand  this  year  for  American  honor,  American  public  faith,  American  prosperity  and 
the  full  employment  at  American  wages  of  every  idle  man  in  , America.  What  we 
want  in  America,  and  by  that  I mean  the  United  States,  what  we  want,  I say,  in 
this  country,  is  a full  one  hundred  cent  dollar  and  then  we  want  after  that  the  freest 
and  best  opportunity  to  earn  it. 

AMERICAN  WAGES  FOR  AMERICAN  WORKINGMEN. 

(To  steel  workers  of  Braddock,  Pa.,  Sept.  17,  1896.) 

My  countrymen,  I am  one  of  these  Americans  who  believe  that  the  American 
workshop  should  be  protected  as  far  as  possible  from  the  foreign  workshop,  to  the  end 
that  American  workingmen  may  be  constantly  employed  at  American  wages.  Nor 
do  I want  products  cheapened  at  the  expense  of  American  manhood,  nor  do  I think 
that  it  is  economy  to  buy  goods  cheaply  abroad  if  it  thereby  enforces  idleness  at 
home. 

“WE  WANT  NEITHER  SHORT  WORK  NOR  SHORT  DOLLARS." 

(To  delegation  of  Pennsylvania  workingmen,  at  Canton,  Sept.  19,  1896.) 

I am  one  of  those  Americans  who  believe  that  the  American  workshop  should  be 
protected  against  Hie  foreign  workshop.  1 believe  that  tile  American  workingmen 
should  be  defended  by  a wise  and  judicious  protective  policy  against  the  underpaid 

a 


workingmen  of  the  Old  World.  In  a word,  I believe  that  thi»  country  is  oure  and 

that  we,  first  of  all,  are  entitled  to  enjoy  its  privileges  and  its  blessings.  The  first 
thing  we  want  in  this  country  is  plenty  to  do.  We  want  neither  short  work  nor 
short  dollars  in  the  United  States.  We  want  neither  free  trade  nor  free  silver  in  the 
United  States.  We  want  an  opportunity  to  work  and  when  we  have  improved  that 
opportunity,  we  want  to  be  paid  in  dollars  that  are  worth  as  much  the  week  or  year 
after  they  are  received  as  on  the  day  of  their  receipt.  Free  trade  has  cheated  you  in 
your  wages  and  you  do  not  propose  to  permit  free  silver  to  cheat  you  in  your  pay. 

“EVERY  MAN  WHO  SEEKS  WORK  SHOULD  HAVE  AN  OPPORTUNITY  TO 

WORK.” 

(To  employes  of  the  Carnegie  City  Mills,  of  Pittsburg,  Pa.,  Sept.  19,  1896.) 

Nothing  moves  me  more  deeply  than  to  have  the  assurances  of  support  which  I 
1 am  daily  receiving  from  the  men  in  the  United  States  who  toil.  To  have  as  allies  in 
this  great  contest  for  the  honor  and  prosperity  of  the  countrymen  the  workingmen 
of  the  United  States  is  indeed  a crown  to  any  cause.  You  have  but  one  aim  in  the 
use  of  your  ballots  and  that  is  to  secure  the  highest  and  greatest  good  to  the  people 
of  the  United  States.  That  is  what  the  ballot  is  for  and  it  is  for  the  accomplishment 
of  this  that  you  will  use  the  ballot  this^year.  We  have  had  in  this  country  for  three 
years  past  an  experience  under  two  contending  National  policies.  Most  of  the  men 
who  sit  before  me  to-day  never  had  any  experience  under  but  one  policy  until  within 
the  last  four  years.  You  have  now  tried  them  both.  You  have  tried  the  protective 
policy  of  the  Republican  Party  and  you  have  tried  the  free  trade  revenue  policy  of 
the  Democratic  Party.  Which  do  you  like  best?  * * * * What  we  want  in  this 

country  is  that  every  man  who  seeks'  work  shall  have  an  opportunity  to  work.  And 
then  wfien  he  has  performed  an  honest  day’s  work  for  his  employer,  we  mean  he  shall 
bo  paid  in  honest  dollars. 

“WHAT  WE  WANT  FIRST  IS  WORK  FOR  AMERICAN  WORKMEN.” 

(To  delegation  of  workingmen  and  others  from  Mercer  and  Butler  Counties,  Pennsyl- 
vania, at  Canton,  Sept.  19,  1896.) 

What  we  want  in  this  country  first  and  foremost  is  work  for  the  American  work- 
ingman. Every  man  in  the  country  who  wants  to  work  ought  to  have  an  opportunity 
to  work,  and  that  opportunity  is  always  limited  by  the  extent  to  which  we  have  our 
work  done  in  Europe  and  European  workshops  by  European  labor.  I am  one  of  those 
who  believe  in  the  doctrine  of  protecting  American  factories  against  foreign  factories 
and  the  American  laborer  against  the  workingmen  of  the  world.  * * * * \,  jiat 

we  want  is  a chance  to  work  and  when  we  have  wages  the  home  market  is  always 
improved  for  every  farmer  who  wants  to  turn  an  honest  dollar.  We  want  an  honest 
American  dollar,  too,  and  you  should  vote  for  the  Party  that  you  believe  is  more 
likely  to  give  you  the  best  chance  to  work  and  the  best  coin  in  payment,  and  you  must 
judge  for  yourselves  which  party  that  is. 

°“WE  WANT  THE  AMERICAN  WORKSHOP  DEFENDED  AGAINST  THE 
FOREIGN  WORKSHOP.” 

(To  delegation  of  citizens  of  Western  New  York,  Sept.  2,  1896.) 

We  never  had  so  much  work  in  our  history  as  we  had  in  1892.  What  we  want 
is  to  get  back  to  those  good  times  and  the  people  are  only  waiting  for  an  opportunity 
in  1896,  to  vote  back  the  principles  and  policies  they  gave  up  four  years  a»o.  We 
want  no  free  trade  in  the  United  States.  We  wa?*t  the  American* workshop  protected 
and  defended  against  the  foreign  workshop  for  t!>y  benefit  of  American  workingmen. 
Suppose  the  foreign  manufacturer  could  pay  customs  duties  with  a fifty-cent  d'ollar, 
would  not  that  reduce  the  protection  you  now  hav*  one  half?  My  fellow  citizens,  do 
not  be  deluded.  No  matter  how  much  money  we  vave  or  may  have  in  this  country, 
there  ?.s  but  one  way  to  get  it  and  that  is  to  givf  something  for  it.  What  we  want 
just  now  is  somebody  who  wants  what  we  have  to  g/ve  him.  Labor  cannot  wait.  The 
capita]  of  the -workingman  is  his  strong  right  arm.  If  he  does  not  use  it  to-day  just 
that  much  of  his  capital  is  gone  and  gone  forever.  The  capitalist  can  wait  on  his 
dividends  but  the  workingman  cannot  wait  on  hie  dinner.  And  there  is  nothing  so 
well  calculated  to  injure  labor  in  the  United  States  as  a depreciated  currency.  1 
want  you  to  read  what  Webster  said,  March  15,  1837,  in  your  great  State:  “He  who 
tampers  with  the  currency  robs  labor  of  its  bread  He  panders,  indeed,  to  the  greed 
of  capital,  which  is  keen  sighted  and  may  shift  fo”  itself,  but  he  beggars  labor  which 
is  honest,  unsuspecting,  and  too  busy  with  the  present  to  calculate  for  the  future. 
The  prosperity  of  the  working  classes  lives,  move*  and  has  its  being  in  established 
credit  and  a steady  medium  of  payment.  All  sudden  changes  destroy  it;  honest  in- 

• 


dustry  never  comes  in  for  any  part  of  the  spoils  in  that  scramble  which  takes  place 
when  the  currency  of  the  country  is  disordered.” 

“WE  WANT  NO  IDLE  MEN  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES.” 

(To  citizens  of  Pennsylvania,  at  Canton,  Sept.  25,  1896.) 

We  want  no  idle  men  in  the  United  States.  We  want  no  idle  mills  in  the  United 
States  and  to  the  end  that  we  may  have  neither  idle  mills  nor  idle  men,  we  must  do 
our  work  in  the  United  States  and  not  outside  the  United  States.  You  may  disagree 
with  me,  but  I believe  in  a Protective  tariff.  I have  always  so  believed  and  I have 
never  felt  called  upon  to  make  an  apology  to  anybody  anywhere  for  having  been  de- 
voted to  the  great  principles  which  promotes  and  encourages  American  development 
and  good  wag'es  to  American  workingmen.  Then,  my  fellow  citizens,  having  secured 
a tariff  that  will  defend  American  interests,  we  want  to  continue  the  use  of  the  good  - 
old  dollars  that  we  have  had  since  1879.  We  want  no  clipped  coins  in  the  United 
States.  We  want  no  debased  dollars  any  more  than  we  want  debased  labor,  and  when 
men  have  given  a full  day’s  work  to  an  American  employer,  we  want  that  American 
employer  to  pay  him  in  dollars  a^  good  as  any  dollars  anywhere  in 
the  world,  and  worth  one  hundred  cents  each  everywhere  in  the  world.  Then, 
my  fellow  citizens,  we  want  another  thing — we  want  peace  and  tranquility  in  the 
United  States.  We  want  it  established  once  for  all  that  this  is  a Government  of  law 
and  by  law  and  that  now  as  always  we  are  a law  abiding  people.  There  is  one  thing 
that  we  are  proud  of  and  that  is  that  the  Republican  party  can  submit  its  principles 
to  the  workingmen,  to  the  farmer,  to  the  student,  to  the  scholar,  to  those  of  every 
calling  or  profession,  with  confidence,  because  those  principles  are  right  and  eternal. 

“CLASS  APPEALS  ARE  DISHONORABLE  AND  DISHONEST  ” 

(To  citizens  of  Peoria,  111.,  at  Canton,  Sept.  26,  1896.) 

The  judgment  of  the  people  is  swift  and  terrible  against  those  wTho  mislead  and 
delude  them.  The  people  are  never  led  astray  by  deceit  or  misrepresentation  when 
they  investigate  for  themselves.  This  they  are  doing  this  year  in  a marked  degree. 

It  is  of  no  avail  that  party  leaders  appeal  to  passion  wThen  the  people  are  alive  to  their 
own  and  the  public  interests.  It  will  not  do  to  say  to  the  men  who  are  poor  in  this 
world’s  goods — you  must  get  off  by  yourselves,  form  a class  of  your  own;  your  inter- 
ests are  opposed  to  those  who  employ  you.  This  is  not  enough  this  year.  The  poor 
jman  inquires:  what  good  will  it  do  me,  how  will  that  better  my  condition,  how  will 
that  bring  bread  to  my  family  or  food  to  my  children?  Will  I be  benefited  by  de- 
spoiling my  employer?  Will  it  give  me  more  employment  and  better  wages  to  strike 
down  those  whose  money  is  invested  in  productive  enterprises,  which  give  me  work 
and  wages?  Four  years  ago  it  was  said  that  the  manufacturer  was  making  too  much 
money.  You  remember  it.  But  that  cannot  be  said  now.  And  that  the  robber 
'tariff  which  was  enriching  him,  must  be  torn  root  and  branch  to  the  end  that  he 
•should  be  deprived  of  what  some  people  were  pleased  to  call  his  “ill-gotten  profits.” 
The  country  seemed  to  share  in  the  suggestion,  and  the  trial  was  entered  upon,  with 
iwhat  result  every  manufacturer,  commercial  man,  traveling  man,  and  workingman 
best  knows.  It  has  beeii  discovered  to  our  hurt  and  sorrow  that  you  cannot  injure 
the  manufacturer  without  injuring  the  laborer.  It  has  been  found,  too,  that  you 
cannot  injure  the  manufacturer  without  injuring  the  vVhole  business  of  the  country. 
You  may  close  tke  shops  by  adverse  tariffs,  because  you  imagine  the  manufacturer  is 
piaking  too  much,  but  with  that  done  you  close  the  door  of  employment  in  the  face  of 
jthe  laborer  whose  only  capital  is  his  labor.  You  cannot  punish  the  one  without  punish- 
ing the  other  and  our  policy  would  not  inflict  the  slightest  injury  upon  either.  In 
^such  a case  “getting  off  together”  does  not  do  either  any  good.  Arraying  labor 
(against  capital  is  a public  calamity  and  an  irreparable  injury  to  both.  Class  appeals 
(are  dishonorable  and  dishonest.  They  calculate  to  separate  those  who  should  be 
united,  for  our  economic  interests  are  common  and  indivisible.  Rather,  my  fellow 
citizens,  teach  the  doctrine  that  it  is  the  duty  and  privilege  of  every  man  to  rise; 
(that  with  honest  industry  he  can  advance  himself  to  the  best  place  in  the  shop,  the 
(store,  the  counting  house  or  in  the  learned  professions.  This  is  the  doctrine  of  equal- 
ity and  opportunity  that  is  woven  into  every  fiber  of  our  National  being;  a doctrine 
•which  has  enabled  the  poorest  boy  with  the  humblest  surroundings  to  reach  the  best 
place  in  our  great  industries  and  to  receive  the  highest  trusts  which  can  be  be- 
stowed by  a generous  people.  Gentlemen,  and  I speak  to  my  countrymen  everywhere, 
if  you  have  not  yourselves  been  among  the  most  fortunate,  I pray  you  think  of  your 
boys  and  girls  and  place  no  obstacles  in  their  pathway  to  the  realization  of  every 
lofty  and  honorable  ambition  which  they  may  have. 

i 10 


‘‘THE  WAY  TO  HAVE  PROSPERITY  IS  TO  ENCOURAGE  THE  AMERICAN 

WORKSHOP” 

(To  delegation  of  Railwaymen,  at  Canton,  Sept.  26,  1896.) 

Yours  is  a most  delicate  and  dangerous  employment.  I never  step  off  a railroad 
train,  after  either  a long  or  short  journey,  that  I do  not  feel  like  making  personal 
acknowledgement  to  every  railroad  employe  for  his  care  for  the  safety  of  the  passen- 
gers. I never  step  off  a railroad  train  that  I do  not  feel  like  going  to  the  engineer 
and  taking  off  my  hat  to  him.  * * * * I make  no  appeal  to  you  that  is  not 

based  upon  what  I believe  to  be  for  the  public  good.  I believe  it  is  the  mission  of  the 
Government  of  this  country  to  take  care  of  the  industrial  people  of  the  country  ; I 
believe  it  is  the  business  of  the  country  to  make  everything  that  can  be  made,  in  the 
United  States  which  our  people  consume.  I believe  ft  is  the  business  of  the  country 
to  protect  every  citizen  in  his  employment  from  the  cheap  products  made  by  the 
cheaper  labor  of  other  lands.  I believe  that  the  way  to  have  prosperity  in  the  United 
States  is  to  encourage  the  American  workshop  and  uphold  American  labor;  and 
when  you  uphold  American  labor  and  sustain  the  American  workshop,  you  have  given 
trade  and  traffic  to  these  great  railroad  companies,  the  arteries  of  commerce,  which  in 
turn,  give  steady  employment  to  the  railway  employes  of  the  country. 

“THERE  IS  NO  MENACE  TO  LABOR  LIKE  THAT  OF  A DEBASED  CURRENCY ” 
(To  the  tin  plate  workers  of  New  Kensington,  Pa.,  Sept.  26,  1896.) 

To  be  called  by  laboring  men  themselves  “the  workingman’s  friend,”  is  the  high- 
est honor  for  which  I would  strive.  To  have  been  in  any  way  connected  with  Nation- 
al legislation  that  has  furnished  employment  to  the  hundreds  and  thousands  of  men 
who  stand  beside  and  around  me,  is  worthy  the  best  ambition  of  any  man.  I am  glad 
to  have  it  demonstrated  here  to-day  that  we  can  and  do  make  tin  plate  in  the  United 
States.  If  your  factory  and  other  kindred  factories  are  not  as  prosperous  as  they 
were  two  or  three  years  ago,  you  know  the  reason  why.  If  your  wages  have  been 
reduced  in  the  tin  plate  factories;  you  know  quite  as  well  as  I can  tell  you  the  reason 
it  is  so;  for  whenever  there  is  a cut  in  the  rates  of  tariff  upon  foreign  imports,  it  is 
likely  to  be  followed  by  a cut  of  rates  in  American  wages.  I take  it  that  you  are  all 
in  favor  of  a protective  tariff.  I take  it  that  you  know  which  party  stands  for  a 
protective  tariff.  I take  it  that  you  know  which  ticket  represents  that  great  Ameri- 
can doctrine,  and  knowing  it,  I take  it  you  know  just  what  National  ticket  is  best  for 
you.  Now  what  you  want  after  all — after  good  work  and  wages — is  that  you  shall 
be  paid  in  good  dollars.  You  do  not  want  your  wages  cut  and  your  money  too.  It 
is  bad  enough  to  suffer  a reduction  in  your  pay  but  it  is  an  added  aggravation  to  have 
to  suffer  a cut  in  the  money  in  which  you  are  paid.  I take  it  that  every  man  who 
stands  before  me  to-day  is  not  only  in  favor  of  National  prosperity,  but  he  is  in 
favor  of  National  honor,  and  a National  currency  that  will  be  as  sound  as  the  Re- 
public and  as  unsullied  as  its  honor  has  always  been.  There  is  no  menace  to  labor 
like  that  of  a depreciated  and  debased  currency.  * * * We  must  not  lose  our 

moorings;  we  must  not  be  deluded  by  false  doctrines  or  by  false  prophets.  We  must 
never  by  our  ballots  stigmatize  ours  either  a dishonest  or  a repudiating  Nation. 
Steady  work  and:  good  wages  are  the  test  of  the  Nation’s  prosperity,  and  the  happi- 
ness of  its  citizens.  Neither  of  them  will  come  through  free  trade  or  free  silver;  for 
while  both  may  benefit  somebody  else,  neither  of  them  can  benefit  the  American  citi- 
zen. 

“I  FAVOR  THAT  POLICY  THAT  GIVES  THE  MOST  WORK  AND  BEST  WAGES 
TO  EVERY  AMERICAN  LABORER.” 

(To  delegation  of  workingmen  from  Harrisburg,  Pa.,  at  Canton,  Oct.  3,  1896.) 

The  cry  of  distress  is  going  up  from  every  part  of  our  common  country.  What 
men  want  is  busine- z activity.  VTiat  laboring  men  want  is  work.  We  have  discov- 
ered in  the  last  three  years  and  a half  that  we  cannot  increase  the  output  of  the 
mines  or  the  wages  of  the  miner  by  decreasing  manufacturing  in  the  United  States. 
We  have  discovered  that  less  American  coal  is  required  if  we  do  any  part  of  the  work 
in  Europe  rather  than  here  at  home.  I favor  that  policy  which  will  give  the  largest 
development  to  every  American  interest,  that  gives  the  widest  oportunity  to  every 
American  citizen,  that  gives  the  most  work  and  best  wages  to  every  American  laborer, 
and  secures  to  our  people  the  highest  possible  prosperity  in  all  their  occupations. 
* * * * My  fellow  citizens,  we  must  defeat  by  decisive  majorities  every  scheme 

for  the  debasement  of  our  currency,  whether  it  be  free  silver  or  irredeemable  paper 
money;  but  while  we  do  this  we  must  also  defeat  the  destructive  and  dangerous  men- 
ace of  free  trade.  V7e  have  lost  enough  already  in  the  reduced  wages  of  our  labor,  and 

XX 


we  do  not  propose  to  be  further  cheated  by  being  paid  in  depreciated  dollars.  Let  us 

effectually  dispose  of  both,  and  restore  to  the  country  the  great  .usiness  prosperity 
which  is  naturally  and  properly  ours  to  possess  and  enjoy. 

“NOBODY  IS  CHEATED  BY  A DEPRECIATED  CURRENCY  SO  MUCH  AS  THE 

MAN  WHO  LABORS.” 

(To  mechanics  and  workingmen  of  Alleghany,  Pa.,  and  Pennsylvania  Railway  shops, 

Oct.  3,  189G.) 

I have  been  pleased  to  note  in  the  public  press  and  learn  from  the  many  delega- 
tions that  have  visited  me  during  the  last  six  weeks,  that  the  employes  of  our  great 
railroads  are  deeply  interested  in  the  rightful  settlement  of  the  questions  which  are 
presented  in  this  campaign.  We  have  come  to  realize,  no  matter  what  may  be  our  em- 
ployment, that  we  are  most  prosperous  when  the  country  is  most  prosperous.  We 
have  come  to  realize  that  the  railroads  do  the  most  business,  pay  the  best  wages  and 
have  the  most  work  when  the  farmers  have  good  crops,  good  prices  and  good  markets 
and  the  manufacturers  have  plenty  of  orders  and  their  workmen  steady  emplovment. 
You  always  build  more  engines,  repair  more  engines,  and  do  more  by  way  of  iprov- 
ing  equipments  when  your  railroads  do  the  most  business,  and  when  they  do  the  most 
business  you  have  the  steadiest  employment  and  best  wages.  * * * * Democrats 

and  Republicans  alike,  I ask  you,  do  you  want  a continuance  of  a policy  that  has 
taken  work  from  the  American  workshop  and  givfen  it  to  the  foreign  workshop,  or  do 
you  disapprove  of  that  policy?  You  will  have  an  opportunity  to  vote  directly  upon 
that  proposition.  We  have  the  best  country  in  the  world,  and  if  it  does  not  continue 
to  be  the  best  it  will  be  our  own  fault.  We  have  the  best  railroads,  and  more  rail- 
roads, and  more  internal  commerce  than  any  other  nation,  and  it  is  because  we  have 
such  vast  internal  commerce  that  the  railroads  of  this  country  have  been  able  to  ex- 
tend their  lines  and  give  such  liberal  employment  to  American  labor.  You  have  an 
opportunity  to  vote  this  year  on  another  question — as  to  whether  you  want  good, 
full,  round,  one-hundred  cent  dollars  in  payment  of  your  wages,  or  whether  you  want 
to  be  paid  in  fifty-two  cent  dollars.  Nobody  is  cheated  by  a depreciated  currency  so 
much  as  the  man  who  labors.  This  is  the  experience  of  mankind  the  world  over.  It 
has  been  our  own  experience  at  every  period  in  our  history  when  we  have  entered 
upon  an  era  of  depreciated  currency,  and  were  living  under  the  wild-cat  banking  sys- 
tem which  issued  State  money.  The  workingmen  of  this  country  are  its  largest  cred- 
itors. There  is  due  to  the  workingmen  in  prosperous  times  so  vast  a sum  of  money 
as  to  make  them  the  greatest  creditors  of  the  world,  and  they  are,  therefore,  more  in- 
terested or  quite  as  much  interested  as  any  other  part  of  our  population,  in  having  a 
sound  and  stable  currency,  unvarying  in  value  and  good  wherever  trade  goes. 

“OUR  POLICY  SEEKS  TO  GIVE  A SITUATION  TO  EVERY  MAN  WHO  WANTS 

WORK.” 


(To  citizens  of  Ashland  County,  0.,  Oct.  7,  1890.) 

Eighteen  years  ago  your  county  was  in  the  Congressional  district  for  which  1 
stood  as  a candidate  for  Congress.  I remember  to  have  gone  to  your  county,  as  a 
young  man,  almost  an  entire  stranger  to  your  people,  but  I shall  never  forget  the 
warm  and  cordial  welcome  you  gave  me,  and  the  splendid  support  you  gave  to  the 
Republican  Party  that  year.  * * * * * That  year,  as  the  older  men  m the 
audience  will  recall,  I was  contending  for  two  things.  In  every  speech  I presented 
what  1 regarded  as  two  great  overmastering  issues.  One  was  the  return  to  specie 
payments  and  the  other  was  the  continuance  of  a protective  tariff  policy  that  would 
preserve  our  own  market  for  the  American  farmers  and  our  factories  for  the  Ameri- 
can workingmen.  We  are  contending  this  year  for  the  same  principles.  On  the  othei 
hand  the  allied  parties  of  the  opposition  insist  that  this  country  shall  take  a step 
backward.  Ever  since  1879  we  have  been  on  a gold  basis,  on  the  solid  rock  of  honest 
finance  and  of  honest  payment  of  debts,  public  and  private.  It  is  proposed  now  that 
wc  shall  enter  upon  an  era  of  not  only  a depreciated  silver  dollar,  but  of  depreciated 
paper  money  to  that  the  Republican  Party  answers,  “No,  forever,  No.”  Some  peo- 
ple seem,  sometimes,  to  despair  of  the  future  of  the  United  States.  Nobody  need 
have  any  apprehension  oil  that  score.  The  United  States  is  too  gieat  and  too  re- 
sourceful to  have  its  progress  impeded  for  any  considerable  length  of  time  by  any 
political  party.  This  year  we  stand,  as  in  1878,  for  the  restoration  of  a protective 
policy.  In  1§92,  a year  the  most  prosperous  in  our  history,  we  were  under  such  a 
policy  Every  man  in  this  country  who  wanted  work  could  find  it,  and  every  man 
who  worked  In  this  country  in  1892  got  better  wages  than  he  ever  received  in  any 
other  period  of  our  history  or  in  all  the  world’s  history.  The  farmers  of  this  coun- 
try had  the  best  home  market  in  the  world : had  more  and  better  paid  consumers  thanj 


12 


they  had  ever  had  before.  But  that  has  all  changed.  The  newspaper  advertisements 
in  1892  used  to  read  "Men  wanted.”  The  advertisements  that  run  in  the  newspapers 
to-day  read  “Situations  wanted.”  Our  policy  seeks  to  give  a situation  to  every  man 
of  this  country  who  wants  to  work.  The  policy  of  partial  free  trade  has  put  the 
workingmen  in  a situation  which  entails  upon  them  heavy  loss,  and  upon  every  far- 
mer of  the  country  great  injury. 

T BELIEVE  THE  RIGHT  POLICY  IS  THE  ONE  WHICH  PROTECTS  THE 
AMERICAN  WORKSHOP.” 

(To  delegations  of  Cleveland  workingmen  and  coal  miners,  Oct.  7,  1896.) 

I am  one  of  those  who  believe  that  we  should  look  after  our  own  people  before 
we  look  after  the  people  of  other  lands,  who  owe  no  allegiance  to  the  Government  of 
the  United  States.  1 believe  the  right  policy  is  the  one  which  protects  the  American 
workshop  by  putting  a tariff  upon  the  products  of  the  foreign  workshop.  My  fellow 
citizens,  I do  not  believe  that  we  ought  to  have  a tarifF  policy  that  will  let  the  prod- 
ucts of  cheaper  lqmds  and  of  underpaid  labor,  come  into  this  country  and  destroy  our 
manufactories  and  impoverish  and  degrade  our  labor.  Now,  the  protective  policy 
is  my  policy.  It  is  the  doctrine  I have  always  believed  in  and  1 make  no  apology  to 
anybody  anywhere  for  holding  that  view.  And  if  on  the  third  day  of  November  the 
A.merican  people  in  their  sovereign  capacity  shall  decree  that  a protective  policy  shall 
De  restored,  and  sound  money  continued,  I hope  and  fervently  pray  that  we  will  enter 
upon  an  era  of  prosperity  that  will  give  happiness  and  comfort  to  every  American 
home. 

‘LET  US  EMPLOY  EVERY  IDLE  MAN  AND  BRING  HAPPINESS  TO  EVERY 

AMERICAN  HOME.” 

(To  delegation  of  workmen  from  West  Virginia  potteries  and  iron  and  steel  workers, 

Oct.  7j  1896.) 

•The  thought  in  every  man’s  mind  here,  is:  How  can  I better  my  condition? 
How  can  I improve  the  condition  of  my  family?  The  answer  comes  almost  with  one 
voice — the  way  to  do  it  is  to  protect  American  industry  and  defend  American  labor. 
Let  us  do  our  own  manufacturing  here  in  the  United  States.  Let  us  make  our  own 
iron  and  steel,  our  own  glass — and  when  we  do  that  we  will  employ  every  idle  man 
in  the  United  States  and  bring  hope  and  happiness  to  every  American  home.  I be- 
lieve in  the  policy  of  protection  to  home  industries  and  to  energies  of  the  American 
people.  I do  not  believe  anything  is  cheap  to  our  people  that  imposes  idleness  upon 
a,  single  American  citizen.  What  we  want  is  work  and  wages.  Do  you  believe  free 
trade  will  aid  you?  Do  you  believe  protective  tariffs  will  do  it?  (Cries  of  “Yes.” 
'‘Yes.”  “Every  time.”)  Then  vote  that  way.  Protection  never  closed  an  American 
factory.  Protection  never  shut  an  American  mine.  Protection  never  put  Ameri- 
can labor  out  on  the  streets.  I can  not  say  as  much  for  partial  free  trade,  such  as 
we  have  experienced  in  the  last  three  years  and  a half.  More  than  that,  my  fellow 
citizens,  we  not  only  want  an  opportunity  to  work,  but  when  we  get  that  opportunity 
we  want  to  be  paid  in  honest  dollars  worth  a hundred  cents  each.  We  believe  neither 
in  free  trade  nor  in  free  silver.  The  one  debases  labor  and  the  other  the  currency 
of  the  country.  And  more  than  all,  you  gentlemen,  I know,  are  in  favor  of  the 
maintenance  of  law  and  order. 

VOTED  AND  SPOKE  FOR  AN  EIGHT -HOUR  DAW  IN  THE  SERVICE  OF  THE  UNITED 

STATES. 

(To  employes  of  Cleveland  Rolling  Mills,  Oct.  7,  1896.) 

Nothing  touches  me  more  deeply  than  to  have  around  and  about  me,  assuring  me  of 
their  support  the  workingmen  of  the  United  States.  They  are  the  bone  and  sinew  of  the 
country  and  the  mighty  conservative  force  which  in  every  perilous  crisis  of  history  must 
be  relied  upon  to  preserve  National  honor  and  the  supremacy  of  the  law.  I am  more  than 
glad  to  meet  at  my  home  the  workingmen  of  the  Cleveland  Rolling  Mill  and  the  Wire  Mill 
employes.  I have  met  you  before.  1 have  addressed  thousands  of  the  workingmen  who 
stand  about  me  to-day,  at  their  homes  in  Newburg  and  Cleveland,  and  I believe  there  is 
not  one  of  you  present  who  would  say  that  I ever  sought  to  deceive  or  mislead  you.  I 
have  stood  in  the  past  as  a public  servant  striving  to  benefit  my  fellow  man  ; to  roll  the 
weight  off  his  shoulders  and  give  him  a fair  and  equal  chance  in  the  great  race  and  con- 
test of  life.  I believe  in  the  American  home  as  the  corner-stone  of  liberty  and  free  insti- 
tutions, and  I have  always  believed  that  the  American  home  was  made  best  when  the 
head  of  that  home  had  plenty  to  do.  I have  always  stood  for  a Government  policy — not 
one  that  would  prohibit  goods  from  coming  into  the  United  States,  but  for  a policy  that 
would  protect  the  products  of  American  labor  against  the  products  of  the  cheaper  labor  of 
the  old  world.  I believe  it  is  our  duty  to  guard  and  defend  the  American  workshop,  and 
when  we  are  doing  that  we  are  defending  the  American  home.  I stand  to-day  not  only 
for  a protective  tariff  but  an  honest  dollar,  a dollar  based  upon  the  best  money  of  the 
world,  recognized  in  every  center  of  the  world.  We  have  had  some  experiences  with 
short  hours  in  the  last  four  years,  and  we  do  not  want  to  experiment  with  short  dollars 

13 


now.  When  I addressed  you  last,  four  years  ago,  In  the  old  tent  at  Newburg,  a commltte? 
waited  upon  me  and  wanted  to  know  if  I was  in  favor  of  eight  hours  for  a day’s  work 
They  were  discussing  the  wisdom  and  advisability  of  shorter  hours  for  their  own  comforl 
and  for  their  own  advancement  and  interest.  To  them  I said  “yes”  ; I both  voted  and  spoki 
for  an  eight  hour  law  in  the  service  of  the  United  States.  Since  1893  I haven’t  heard  a wore 
about  shorter  hours  from  the  American  workingmen.  They  are  all  too  short,  as  my  friends 
tell  us.  What  you  want  is  steady  employment.  Whatever  will  bring  you  the  first  in  th< 
true  Government  policy,  and  when  you  have  that,  then  you  want  to  be  paid  in  dollars  wortt 
one  hundred  cents,  good  not  only  under  our  flag,  but  good~in  every  civilized  nation  of  tin 
world. 

“RESTORE  A POLICY  THAT  GIVE  WORK  TO  AMERICAN  WORKINGMEN.” 

(To  delegation  of  Maryland  workingmen,  at  Canton,  Oct.  14,  1896.) 

What  we  want  to  do  In  this  country  is  to  restore  a policy  that  will  encourage  America! 
development,  American  manufacturing,  and  give  work  to  American  workingmen.  (Cheers.) 
This  is  the  policy  of  the  Republican  Party,  and  it  has  been  its  uninterrupted  policy  sines 
1881.  Under  this  policy,  as  every  workingman  in  my  presence  well  knows,  we  enjoyed  s 
higher  prosperity  than  we  ever  enjoyed  before  or  since.  Now,  having  restored  that  policy, 
which  can  only  be  done  by  your  votes,  in  connection  with  the  votes  of  your  fellow  countrymer 
everywhere,  let  it  be  recorded  by  the  same  votes  on  the  third  day  of  November,,  that  thf 
people  of  this  country  are  in  favor  of  honest  dollars  with  which  to  measure  out.  exchanges 
and  not  shifting  dollars,  to  be  ascertained  by  consulting  the  market  reports  published  in  th« 
daily  newspapers  of  the  country.  (Great  applause.)  When  you  have  performed  a good 
honest  day’s  work,  you  want  to  be  paid  in  good,  honest  dollars.  (Cheering,  and  cries  ol 
“That’s  right.”)  You  want  to  be  paid  in  staying  dollars  that  are  good,  not  only  when  you 
receive  them,  but  good  for  all  time  (applause,  and  cries  of  “That’s  what  we  want”)  be 
cause  they  rest  upon  unextinguishable  and  inherent  value,  recognized  the  world  over. 

“PROTECTION  OPENS  BUT  NEVER  CLOSES  AMERICAN  WORKSHOPS.” 

(To  delegation  from  Western  New  York,  October  15,  1896.) 

There  is  one  thing  the  people  of  this  country  will  not  submit  to — that  the  savings 
of  the  poor  shall  be  squandered  and  wasted  by  a depreciation  of  the  hard  earned  monej 
which  they  have  laid  aside  as  the  results  of  their  thrift  and  economy.  (Great  applaus* 
and  cries  of  “Good.”  “Good.”)  Can  the  people  of  Dunkirk,  and  Chatauqua  county  for  on< 
instant  favor  such  a policy?  (Loud  cries  of  “No.”  “Never.”)  I am  glad  to  know  thal 
you  do  not.  Let  me  tell  you  what  I think  is  a better,  safer  and  more  honorable  policy, 
Let  us  restore  the  protective  tariff  system  and  pay  as  we  go.  (Enthusiastic  cheering  and 
cries  of  “Hurrah  for  McKinley.”)  Put  your  laboring  people  at  work  and  restore  business 
confidence  from  one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other.  (Great  applause,  and  cries  of  “That’s 
the  stuff.”)  I am  a protectionist  (cries  of  “That’s  right,  so  are  we”)  because  I believe  ths 
protective  system  Is  best  adapted  to  our  conditions  and  citizenship.  (Cries  of  “You  are 
right.”)  It  doeo  everything  that  a revenue  tariff  does  and  vastly  more.  It  supplies  need' 
ed  revenue.  (Great  applause.)  A revenue  tariff  can  do  no  more,  and  the  present  tariff  has 
not  done  that  much.  (Great  applause.)  It  accomplishes  this  end  with  equal,  if  nol 
greater  certainty  than  a revenue  tariff,  and  while  doing  that  it  wisely  discriminates  in 
favor  of  American  interests,  and  is  ever  mindful  of  the  American  people.  (Cheers,  and 
cries  of  “Right,”  “Right.”)  * * * Protection  favors  the  United  States  (Great  ap- 
plause and  cries  of  “That’s  the  stuff”)  and  the  flag  of  the  United  States.  (Renewed  ap 
plause.)  It  favors  the  people  of  the  United  States  (cheers)  and  is  the  true  friend  oi 
every  American  girl  and  boy  struggling  upward.  (Great  applause.)  It  builds  up  : nevei 
rears  down.  (Cries  of  “That’s  right.”)  It  opens  but  never  closes  American  workshops 
That  is  what  we  want  in  this  distressed  country  to-day.  (Cries  of  “That’s  what  we  want.”) 
This  is  what  will  diminish  idleness,  want  any  misery  and  stop  deficient  revenues. 

“SET  EVERY  WHEEL  IN  MOTION  AND  LIGHT  THE  FIRES  OF  EVERY  FACTOK1 

IN  THE  LAND.” 

(To  Kentucky  Railway  Sound  Money  Club,  October  17,  1896.) 

Nothing  gives  me  greater  honor  ; nothing  brings  to  me  higher  distinction  ; nothing  in- 
creases my  gratitude  so  much  as  to  feel  that  I have  the  warm,  earnest,  sincere  support  ol 
the  men  who  toil.  (Great  applause  and  cries  of  “You  will  have  ours.”)  Labor  is  at  th< 
foundation  of  all  our  wealth  and  prosperity.  You  might  open  every  mint  of  the  world 
and  coin  the  silver  of  all  creation,  but  it  would  not  produce  the  prosperity  thal 
the  labor  of  the  United  States  would  produce,  had  it  an  opportunity  to  worli 
(Great  cheering.)  What  we  want  in  this  country,  my  fellow  citizens,  is  constant  employ- 
ment. (Applause  and  cries  of  “That’s  correct”  and  “That’s  the  stuff.”)  You  get  thal 
when  the  country  is  prosperous.  (Cries  of  “Correct,”  Correct.”)  We  do  not  get  it  wher 
the  business  of  the  country  is  depressed.  (Cries  of  “No,”  “No.”)  What  we  want  to  dc 
now,  irrespective  of  party,  is  to  adopt  an  industrial  policy  which  will  set  every  wheel  in 
motion  (applause)  and  light  the  fires  in  every  factory  of  the  land  (renewed  applause),  and 
then  the  employes  of  every  railroad  will  have  all  they  can  haul  and  all  the  work  thej 
can  do. 

MAJOR  MCKINLEY  TO  THE  WORKINGMEN  OF  HIS  OWN  HOME. 

(To  Workingmen  of  Canton,  O.,  Oct.  15,  1896.) 

My  Fellow  Citizens  : I have  witnessed  in  front  of  this  porch  many  scenes  which 
have  touched  my  heart,  but  none  which  have  more  deeply  moved  me  than  this  gathering 
of  the  workingmen  of  Canton.  Fringed  about  this  assemblage  are  the  wives  and  the  littl? 
ones  whom  you  love  so  much  and  for  whom  you  want  an  opportunity  to  labor.  I bid  you 
all  warm,  hearty  and  sincere  welcome.  I have  known  most  of  you  almost  a lifetime.  On? 
of  the  spokesmen,  the  last  one,  was  one  of  the  earliest  of  my  friends  when  I came  to  th« 
city  of  Canton,  and  the  other  I have  known  for  fifteen  or  sixteen  years  ; while  in  this  audi- 
ence there  are  thousands  of  well-known  and  familiar  faces  to  me.  I greet  you  all  as  m3 
friends.  I have  been  with  you  in  every  undertaking  to  build  up  our  splendid  little  city, 
to  bring  enterprise,  thrift  and  employment  to  our  people,  and  in  all  the  years  of  the  past 
there  has  not  been  a moment  that  I have  not  felt,  whether  I had  their  support  or  not,  thal 
I had  the  respect  and  confidence  of  the  workingmen  of  Canton.  * * * In  1892  fret 

trade  as  against  protection  was  the  paramount  issue  of  the  campaign  and  free  trad? 

14, 


triumphed  before  the  great  tribunal  of  the  American  people.  This  year  we  bring  the  ques- 
tion to  you  again.  We  ask  you  to  review  it,  and  to  express  your  reconsidered,  better  and 
more  matured  judgment  upon  that  Issue,  after  three  years  of  dreadful  experience.  * * * 

I bid  you,  workingmen  of  Canton,  use  your  ballots  as  your  intellects  and  consciences  shall 
direct,  moved  by  the  highest  and  most  honorable  considerations  which  can  influence  the 
voter — that  of  the  welfare  of  the  people,  and  the  honor  and  good  name  of  the  government 
which  we  love.  Use  the  ballot  as  will  best  subserve  your  own  interests  and  those  of  your 
family,  whose  welfare  and  happiness  you  have  in  your  sacred  keeping.  I thank  you  from 
the  bottom  of  my  heart  for  this  call.  It  is  a pleasure  I shall  never  forget.  It  is  an  honor 
I shall  always  cherish,  and  I can  not  find  words  to  tell  you  how  this  great  assemblage  of 
my  own  fellow  citizens,  coming  from  every  shop  and  factory  of  the  town,  has  given  me 
courage  and  inspiration.  I wish  for  you  all  the  best  in  this  life.  I wish  for  your  homes 
love,  happiness  and  contentment,  and  for  our  common  country  the  greatest  glory  and 
highest  prosperity. 

“A  FULL  DAY’S  WORK  SHOULD  BE  PAID  IN  FULL  UNQUESTIONED  DOLLARS.” 

(To  delegations  of  Maryland  Workmen,  Oct.  17,  1896.) 

It  is  an  unusual  honor  to  any  candidate,  or  cause,  to  have  three  thousand  wage-earners 
travel  a thousand  miles  to  testify  to  him  their  devotion  and  loyalty,  and  I appreciate  more 
than  I can  find  words  to  express  the  presence  here,  in  Canton,  of  the  potters  and  wage- 
earners  of  the  Mt.  Vernon  mills,  the  wage  earners  of  the  transportation  companies,  the 
sound  money  clubs  and  the  employes  of  the  iron  works  and  shipyards,  who  have  gathered 
about  my  home  this  evening.  * * * Nothing  in  all  this  campaign  has  given  me  so 

much  pleasure  and  satisfaction  as  the  knowledge  that  the  wage  earners  of  the  country  are 
for  the  most  part  enlisted  in  the  cause  for  which  we  stand.  (Prolonged  cheering.)  I 
Know  something  of  the  workingmen  of  the  United  States.  I know  something  of  the  potters. 
(Great  applause  from  the  potters.)  I know  something  of  the  wage  earners  in  the  great 
cotton  and  woolen  mills,  and  that  all  they  want  is  an  opportunity  to  work  ; and  to  do  this 
all  they  ask  is  protection  from  the  products  of  other  lands  made  by  underpaid  labor. 
^(Tremendous  applause.)  * * * The  tariff  question  is  a question  wholly  of  labor.  We 

will  manufacture  with  the  world,  if  the  rest  of  the  world  Will  pay  as  good  wages  as  were 
paid  in  the  United  States.  But  as  long  as  they  do  not,  patriotism,  genuine  Americanism, 
and  every  industrial  interest,  demands  that  we  should  make  our  tariff  high  enough  to  meas- 
ure the  difference  between  the  low  cost  of  labor  in  foreign  countries  and  the  cost  of  labor 
in  this.  (Cheers.)  Then,  you  are  interested  in  honest  money.  You  don’t  want  any  short 
dollars.  (Cries  of  “No,”  “No,”  and  applause.)  You  have  tried  short  hours  in  the  last 
four  years  and  haven’t  liked  them.  (Laughter  and  applause  and  cries  of  ‘‘you  bet  we 
don’t.”)  When  you  give  a full  day’s  work  to  your  employer,  you  want  to  be  paid  in  full 
unquestioned  and  unalterable  dollars.  (Great  applause.)  ^ 

THE  TOILERS  ARE  ENTITLED  TO  LIBERAL  CARE  AND  PROTECTION. 

(From  Inaugural  Address,  March  4,  1897.) 

The  depression  of  the  past  four  years  has  fallen  with  especial  severity  upon  the  great 
body  of  toilers^of  the  country,  and  upon  none  more  than  the  holders  of  small  farms.  Agri- 
culture has  languished  and  labor  suffered.  The  revival  of  manufacturing  will  be  a relief 
to  both.  No  portion  of  our  population  is  more  devoted  to  the  institutions  of  free  govern- 
ment, nor  more  loyal  in  their  support,  while  none  bears  more  cheerfully  or  fully  its  proper 
share  in  the  maintenance  of  the  government,  or  is  better  entitled  to  its  wise  and  liberal  care 
and  protection.  Legislation  helpful  to  producers  is  beneficial  to  all.  The  depressed  condi- 
tion of  industry  on  the  farm  and  in  the  mine  and  factory  has  lessened  the  ability  of  the 
people  to  meet  the  demands  upon  them  ; and  they  rightfully  expect  that  not  only  a system 
of  revenue  shall  be  established  that  will  secure  the  largest  income  withTThe  least  burden, 
but  that  every  means  will  be  taken  to  decrease,  rather  than  increase,  our  public  expen- 
ditures. 

WELL-EMPLOYED  LABOR  MAKES  A CONTENTED  POPULATION. 

(To  Manufacturers’  Club,  Philadelphia,  June  2,  1897.) 

* * * Philadelphians  have  in  the  past  shown  what  busy  Industries  and  well-em- 

ployed labor  can  do  to  make  a great  city  and  a contented  population.  (Applause.)  They 
do  not  mean  to  accept  present  conditions  as  permanent  and  final.  (Cheers.)  They  will 
meet  embarrassments  as  they  have  bravely  met  them  in  the  past,  and  in  the  end  will  re- 
store industries  and  labor  to  their  former  condition  and  prosperity.  (Great  cheering.) 
And,  gentlemen,  Philadelphia  is  but  a type  of  American  pluck  and  purpose  everywhere. 
(Great  and  prolonged  applause.)* 

THE  FURNACE  FIRES  HAVE  BEEN  LIGHTED. 

(At  Joliet,  Illinois,  October  7,  1899.) 

I am  glad  to  know  that  every  one  of  the  fires  of  all  the  furnaces  and  factories  and 
shops  in  the  city  of  Joliet  has  been  lighted,  and  that  employment  waits  upon  labor  in  every 
department  of  human  industry  here.  The  nation  is  doing  a vast  business  not  only  at  home 
but  abroad.  For  the  first  time  in  bur  history  we  send  more  American  manufactured 
products  abroad,  made  by  American  workingmen,  than  we  buy  abroad.  (Applause.) 

DO  NOT  DIVIDE  THE  PEOPLE  INTO  CLASSES  OR  BUILD  A WALL  AGAINST  TUB 

AMBITIONS  OF  YOUR  BOY. 

(To  the  Chicago  Bricklayers’  and  Stonemasons’  Union,  Chicago,  Oct.  10,  1899.) 

Mr.  Chairman  and  Gentlemen  : It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  meet  with  the  work- 
ingmen of  the  city  of  Chicago.  Of  the  many  receptions  that  have  been  tendered  me  during 
my  three  days’  stay  in  your  city,  none  has  given  me  more  pleasure  or  greater  satisfaction 
than  the  welcome  accorded  to  me  in  this  hall  and  the  kind  words  spoken  in  my  behalf  by 
your  president.  (Cheers.)  I have  come  not  to  make  an  address  to  you,  but  rather  to  give 
evidence,  by  my  presence,  of  the  great  interest  I feel  in  the  cause  of  labor,  and  to  con- 
gratulate you  and  your  fellow-workmen  everywhere  upon  the  improved  condition  of  tbe 
country  and  upon  our  general  prosperity.  (Applause.)  When  labor  is  employed  at  fair 
wages,  homes  are  made  happy.  The  labor  of  the  United  States  Is  better  employed,  hotter 
paid,  and  commands  greater  respect  than  that  of  any  other  nation  in  the  world.  (Ap- 

15 


plauaa.)  What  I would  leave  with  you  here  to-nlfht,  la  the  moment  I shall  occupy,  le  the 

thought  that  you  should  Improve  all  the  advantages  and  opportunities  of  this  free  govern- 
ment. Your  families,  your  boys  and  girls,  are  very  close  to  your  heart-strings,  and  you 
ought  to  avail  yourselves  the  opportunity  offered  your  children  by  the  excellent  schools 
of  the  city  of  Chicago.  Give  your  children  the  best  education  obtainable,  and  that  is  the 
best  equipment  you  can  give  any  American.  Integrity  wins  its  way  everywhere,  and  what 
I do  not  want  the  workingmen  of  this  country  to  do  is  to  establish  hostile  camps  and  divide 
the  people  of  the  United  States  into  classes.  I do  not  want  any  wall  built  aganist  the  am- 
bitions of  your  boy,  nor  any  barrier  put  in  the  way  of  his  occupying  the  highest  places  in 
the  gift  of  the  people. 

WAGES  AND  EMPLOYMENT  NOW  WAIT  UPON  LABOR. 

(At  Vincennes,  Ind.,  October  11,  1899.) 

My  Fellow  Citizens  : We  ought  to  be  a very  happY  people.  We  are  a very  happy 
people.  The  blessings  which  have  been  showered  upon  us  have  been  almost  boundless,  and 
no  nation  in  the  world  has  more  to  be  thankful  for  than  ours.  We  have  been  blessed  with 
good  crops  at  fair  prices.  Wages  and  employment  have  waited  upon  labor,  and,  differing 
from  what  it  was  a few  years  ago  labor  is  not  waiting  on  the  outside  for  wages.  Our 
financial  condition  was  never  better  than  now.  We  have  good  money  and  plenty  of  it 
circulating  as  our  medium  of  exchange.  National  banks  may  fail,  fluctuation  in  prices 
come  and  go,  but  the  money  of  the  country  remains  always  good  ; and  when  you  have  a 
dollar  of  it,  you  know  that  dollar  is  worth  one  hundred  cents.  Not  only  have  we  prosperity, 
out  we  have  patriotism;  and  what  more  do  we  want? 

“THE  EMPLOYER  IS  LOOKING  FOR  THE  LABORER,  NOT  THE  LABORER  FOR 

THE  EMPLOYER.” 

(At  Iron  Foundries,  Milwaukee,  Wis.,  Oct.  17,  1899.) 

My  Fellow  Citizens  : As  I have  been  journeying  through  the  country,  1 have  been 
welcomed  with  a warm  cordiality  by  my  fellow  citizens,  but  at  no  place  have  I had  a re- 
c.  pt'on  that  has  g v n me  more  genuine  pleasure,  more  real  satisfaction,  than  the  greetings 
of  the  working  mm  o this  great  establishment  and  the  other  great  establishments  o’fthis 
city  about  the  build.  :gs  in  which  they  toil.  (Great  applause.)  I congratulate  you  all 
upon  the  prosperity  of  the  country.  The  employer  is  looking  for  the  laborer  and  not  the 
laborer  for  the  employer,  and  I am  glad  to  note,  from  one  end  of  the  country  to  the  other, 
a universal  demand  for  labor. 

“I  HAVE  NO  SYMPATHY  WITH  THAT  SENTIMENT  WHICH  WOULD  DIVIDE  MY 
COUNTRYMEN  INTO  CLASSES.” 

(At  Racine,  Wis.,  Oct.  17,  1899.) 

I am  glad  to  stand  in  this  city  of  diversified  industries  and  busy  toilers  and  look  Into 
the  faces  of  the  people  who  have  made  your  city  what  it  is.  This  is  a nation  of  high 
privilege  and  great  opportunity.  We  have  the  free  sch*  ol,  the  open  Bible,  freedom  of  re- 
ligious worship  and  conviction.  We  have ‘the  broadest  opportunity  for  advancement,  with 
every  door  opeh.  The  humblest  among  you  may  aspire  to  the  highest  place  in  public  favor 
and  confidence.  As  a result  of  our  free  institutions  the  great  body  of  the  men  who  control 
public  affairs  in  state  and  nation,  who  control  the  great  business  enterprises  of  the  country 
the  railroads  and  other  industries,  came  from  the  humble  American  home  and  from  thi 
ranks  of  the  plain  people  of  the  United  States.  (Applause.)  I have  no  sympathy  with 
that  sentiment' which  would  divide  my  countrymen  into  classes,  j have  no  sympathy  with 
that  sentiment  which  would  put  the  rich  man  on  one  side  and  the  poor  man  on  the  other 
(applause),  because  all  of  them  are  equal  before  the  lew,  all  of  them  have  equal  power 
in  the  conduct  of  the  government.  • 

“FOR  LABOR  A SHORT  DAY  IS  BETTER  TUAN  A SHORT  DOLLAR.  * 

(From  Letter  of  Acceptance,  Sept.  8,  1900.) 

The  best  service  which  can  be  rendered  to  labor  is  to  afford  it  an  opportunity  for  steady 
and  remunerative  employment,  and  give  it  every  encouragement  for  advancement.  The 
poliev  that  subserves  this  end  is  the  true  American  policy.  The  past  three  years  have 
been  more  satisfactory  to  American  workingmen  than  many  preceding  years.  Any  change 
of  the  present  industrial  or  financial  policy  of  the  government  would  be  disastrous  to  their 
highest  interests.  With  prosperity  at  home  and  an  increasing  foreign  market  for  American 
products,  employment  should  continue  to  wait  .upon  labor,  and  with  the  present  gold  stand 
ard  the  workingman  is  secured  against  payments  for  his  labor  in  a depreciated  currency 
For  labor,  a short  day  is  better  than  a short  dollar  ; one  will  lighten  the  burdens,  the  other 
lessens  the  rewards' of  toil.  The  one  will  promote  contentment  and  independence,  the  other 
penury  and  want.  The  wages  of  labor  should  be  adequate  to  keep  the  home  in  comfort, 
educate  the  children  and,  with  thrift  and  economy,  lay  something  by  for  the  days  of  in- 
firmity and  old  age. 


